“Much unhappiness has come into
the world because of bewilderment and things left unsaid.”
Fyodor Dostoevsky
The Silence of the Wolves
In politics, what isn’t said out
loud is often more important than what is. This has certainly been the case
with the African National Congress’s recall of the president of the Republic,
Jacob Zuma. It may seem incredible, but the entire recall process occurred
without the ANC actually stating what
President Zuma had done to provoke such a drastic action. The new ANC Secretary
General Ace Magashule – a Zuma loyalist – went so far as to say that President
Zuma did nothing wrong at all! Not to be outdone, President Zuma himself also
took to the microphone, stating – in a television interview designed to reach
his base – that he had not been given any reasons for his recall.
The reality of course is that
there are many clear and indisputable reasons for recalling President Zuma. The
Constitutional Court found that he had violated his oath of office when he
refused to abide by the binding recommendations of the Public Protector over
upgrades to his homestead. He has 783 charges pending related to his
involvement in the arms deal of the early 2000s. He – and his son – have been
implicated in “state capture” activities, along with a network of private
sector, intelligence, government and state actors. Under his leadership,
parliament and government have been hamstrung by protest. The state is failing
badly in many areas. ‘Service delivery’ protests skyrocketed under his
leadership, and a culture of disruptive, often violent protests have seeded in
communities who feel that they only way they can draw attention to matters that
plague them is by taking direct action. Political assassinations, intimidation
and corruption have spread at the local level.
For all intents and purposes,
Jacob Zuma should have exited power a long time ago. It was the ANC that kept
him in power, refusing to act upon his many transgressions, scuppering all attempts
to depose him. Many who were calling for his removal now were deeply in bed
with him and his cronies and enthusiastically enjoyed the spoils of his wayward
leadership. And so it was, that even when they decided it was time for him to
go, they could not bring themselves to speak out loud the many and varied
transgressions and failures of his leadership and his government. It is ironic,
but in keeping with the tradition of duplicity, rhetoric and double-speak that
became entrenched under his leadership. That is, to say one thing and do
another.
Yet, in order to heal an illness,
is it not true that it must be diagnosed? That it must be named? The refusal to
publicly acknowledge and take responsibility for the disastrous situation the
ANC created, simply means that it cannot enter into an honest period of
self-reflection, healing and renewal. It is still stuck deep in the mud left
behind by its own floodwaters; the waters that broke when the dam wall that was
supposed to hold power in check and to account was summarily detonated under
Jacob Zuma’s leadership. It will take government and the state a long time to
recover. Yet it will not recover until the truth is spoken out loud and
acknowledged, and those who allowed this mess to occur take responsibility for
their ill-advised actions. Blind loyalty and self-interest, when combined, has
proved to be a disastrous model for the exercise of power in South Africa.
The grave danger that the state
of the ANC places the country in should not be underestimated. The spectacular
unravelling of the ANC’s tripartite alliance, and its descent into factionalism
and discord, should concern every South African. By standing by Jacob Zuma
through all his misadventures, the ANC dragged itself, the government, the
state and the country into a lengthy period of decline.
Yet, whenever the ANC was
previously called to act upon Jacob Zuma’s misdeeds they resisted. They argued
that a ‘second recall would fatally wound the ANC’. In reality, this second recall
has proved quite the opposite; it has resulted in widespread jubilation and
celebration (even if premature at this stage), and has proved rejuvenating and
hope inspiring for the majority of South Africans. The ANC threw South Africans
under the bus when they needed to put the country first and self-correct from
within. They simply cannot be trusted just because one leadership position has
changed.
The ANC’s refusal to acknowledge
the reasons why Jacob Zuma’s leadership was a failure is telling. It tells us
that it is incapable of conducting an honest dialogue with itself, let alone
with the rest of the country. Simply translated, this means it is incapable of
self-correcting in an open, transparent manner. Instead, behind the scenes
Machiavellian power will be exercised to purge undesirables, and these
undesirables will be determined by those who hold the most power. It tells us
that we can expect more of the same type of leadership from the ANC, that is, a
leadership that makes decisions and takes actions behind closed doors and pulls
strings behind the scenes to retain power; a top-down elitist model of
leadership where rhetoric reigns supreme but decisions are made according to
the prescripts of a cold and calculating ‘realpolitik’.
What We Don’t Want?
The question South Africans need
to ask is simply whether this is the kind of democracy we want? To celebrate
Cyril Ramaphosa as the ‘hero’ who has come to rescue us from the villain, is to
perpetuate the very same ‘big man’ leadership model that created the room for
Jacob Zuma to abuse his power. Surely this isn’t the road we should be going
down again? Surely we should be going back to the drawing board and examining
how power, elite networks, institutions and government functions operate? Surely
if we speak of radical change then it must be deep rooted, and not merely
superficial? Yet the politics of omission is the very definition of keeping
things superficial, vague and non-committal. We already know what this
produces. And it is up to us to prevent it from happening again.
To be sure, a purge of the ANC’s
ranks is necessary, but it is unlikely. The need to ensure unity within the ANC
will likely take precedence, and a fine balancing act will ensue. The
technocrats will take charge again and there will be no end of great strategies
and plans for a great future. However, without critical insight into the systemic
and embedded fault lines within the government and state, ensuring robust and
resilient progress in the long term will prove difficult. Deep reflection is
required.
South Africans have had their
fill of inspiring visions. What we need now are reliable, accountable
implementation agencies that do not squander state funds in meandering
bureaucratic processes and half-baked plans that ultimately entrench maladministration
and corruption. The South African state is unique among countries of its ilk
because it collects its taxes successfully, and consequently has a significant
fiscal basis from which to carry out its mandate. The steady erosion of the
state’s capacity to deliver on its mandate, and government’s ability to
function coherently, has left the country wounded. As it limps on into this
next phase, let us not fall prey to the same euphoric guff that created the
space for Jacob Zuma’s leadership to lead the country astray in 2007. That is,
let us not see only our hopes, dreams and desires into this situation. Let us
see it for what it is; a difficult new beginning that must be closely guarded
and monitored. We should not entrust power without safeguards. To do so would
be to ‘do the same thing again and hope for a different result’, the very
definition of insanity.
Where To From Here?
Political analysts have been
swept up by the moment, making all kinds of proclamations about a new era of
transparency, accountability and visionary leadership that returns South Africa
to the international prominence it once enjoyed under presidents Nelson Mandela
and Thabo Mbeki. Of course it is only natural that the public would want to
enjoy the cathartic release of seeing president Zuma go, and to begin to hope
and dream again, but it is quite another thing when political analysts begin
feeding sentiment rather than providing sober analysis.
This is without doubt a critical
moment. However, pretending that all it takes is this moment to turn the
country around is deeply disturbing. Much more is required to turn the ship
around, to get it back onto the right course. A great deal of damage has been
done, internally and externally. It is not simply a matter of getting the
economics right; it is a matter of doing the hard work of transforming
institutions so that they cannot easily be hijacked or ‘captured’ again. It is
about addressing the key systemic deficiencies of the South African state, government
and economy. It is about rebuilding society’s confidence in a broken body
politic. It is also about awakening the South African polis.
Instead of losing ourselves in
premature celebration we need to exhale for a moment – and indeed enjoy it –
but then move quickly to ensure that the pressure that existed before Jacob
Zuma departed from office is still being exerted. This necessitates
challenging, at every opportunity, the ANC leadership’s inability to admit to
and acknowledge its deep internal troubles and problems, and how these have
manifested in patently disastrous outcomes for the country. Skirting around
this central reality is – in my view – not political diplomacy, but duplicity.
Good leadership acknowledges, confronts and deals with its central challenges;
it does not speak with two tongues but provides clear explanation of what is
wrong and what needs to be done about it.
By speaking out loud what the ANC
refuses to, we can force them to acknowledge the great distance between the
reality they profess, and what we know to be true. And as this distance grows,
like a wedge between the ANC and the people of South Africa, they will
eventually be forced to humble themselves before us and confess what they know
to be true in their hearts; that they are no longer an organisation that serves
the people but an elite of self-serving opportunists (with some exceptions) who
take power for granted. While we celebrate the possibility of change, we should
not forget how we ended up here. We must consolidate our will and action to
guarantee that the future we desire and deserve comes to fruition. And the
first step in that direction is to air out loud the good, the bad and the
unsaid.
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